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So circumcision is the founding moment of heterosexuality. The main anxiety of parents is to have a homosexual boy [7]. To be heterosexual is to be sexually correct. At his first marriage, the groom is ritually called sultan king , which is a way to say that "the groom becomes a man when becoming the male par excellence, the king He symbolically becomes the king from the beginning of ceremonies and he remains king until their completion, until the wife's blood is spilled To be a man is to be a king, and to be a king is to be a man.

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To be a man-sultan means to be virile, it means to dominate the wife, it means first to be married. Therefore, the male rajal is the harsh man, as opposed to the lenient man rouijel [9]. This hierarchical relationship of sexes is currently in transition in the sense that the traditional dichotomy between two hierarchical sexual identities is put into crisis by the evolution of Moroccan society, and more precisely by the evolution of the sexuality and reproduction.

Female sexuality now dares to affirm itself [10] outside the institution of marriage.

It is a sexuality that is de-institutionalizing and that is beginning to claim the right to auto-determination and independence. But masculine identity as power is still there, insufficiently shaken by the breakthroughs of the Moroccan woman in the domains of education and employment. Besides, the socioeconomic crisis induced by the structural adjustment policy since compels the common Moroccan male to regress toward the traditional shapes of masculine domination.

The principle of sex equity is the first victim of this crisis in spite of all efforts made by the civil society and state feminism [11] in order to dissociate between equality of sexes and economic expansion. A tradition that affirms itself in the name of Islam, supported by scholars and fundamentalists, becomes an ideological shelter that allows the rejection of all hopes for sex equity in spite of the fact that social-sexual evolution goes slowly in this sense.

A study entitled " Masculine Identity and Reproductive Health in Morocco " revealed that, for the common Moroccan man, bi-sexuality remains illness, deviance and vice [12]. It is above all a depreciation of the man, a man who is bi-sexual is said to be feminine. Bi-sexuality relegates the man to a patriarchal lower rank.

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Youngsters, the most concerned with their sexual identity because of their socioeconomic vulnerability, feel this depreciation even further when their sexual behaviors are homosexual. In Morocco, the most tolerant social attitude explains masculine homosexuality by an excess of feminine hormones [13]. Implicitly, this "popular-scientific" explanation of homosexuality reduces it to the so-called passive homosexuality.

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The penetrated homosexual is the only one considered homosexual. Indeed the excess of female hormones is interpreted in terms of anomaly and illness. But even when recognized as a prisoner of his hormones, the homosexual is not considered as a victim, the forgivable victim of a hormonal destiny independent of his will.

While being irresponsible, the penetrated homosexual is accused of immorality and inspires disgust [14]. Is male homosexuality compatible with masculine identity? Five answers [15] have been provided to this question. The first consists in establishing a mechanical synonymy between maleness and masculinity.

In other terms, having a penis is sufficient to be male. The second consists in reducing homosexuality to receptive homosexuality. Only the one that is penetrated is said homosexual and stop being a man.

The third answer consists in de-masculinizing all homosexual actors. If the receptive homosexual is de-masculinized because he is penetrated, the penetrating homosexual is also de-masculinized because of his abandonment of work, honor and dignity, values that are still associated to masculinity. The fourth answer consists to dice-sexualize all homosexual actors. Homosexuals are not considered as women or as men.

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